The Sea of Energy in Which the Earth Floats is T. Henry Moray's own book about his radiant energy (RE) device, here in a revised reprint. Its title page dates this version as revised and reprinted in 1978 from the 1960 4th edition, with history and biography by Moray's son John E. Moray, and says the book was first printed in 1930 as Beyond the Light Rays. The revision opens with introductions and a foreword, then a chapter of family biography, then a second chapter that sets out a dated record of demonstrations from 1925 to 1928. This page concentrates on those opening sections and the demonstration record. The background is in T. Henry Moray and Moray's Radiant Energy Receiver: The Swedish Stone, the Germanium Valve and the Twenty-Point Duplication Test.
What kind of document is this?
It is a family advocacy history, and it says so. John Moray explains that the first edition confined the device's history to a single late chapter, and that he has reversed the order so the history comes first and the theory last. He openly mixes in his own opinions, and he says the historical account rests on his father's notes together with what he himself recalls from roughly four and a half decades in the same household. One labelling oddity: the title page calls the book a 4th edition, yet John Moray's own introduction is presented as one to the fifth edition.
The foreword is by Tom Bearden and dated June 4, 1977. It states flatly that Moray succeeded in producing free energy and identifies the source as zero-point energy of the vacuum, citing John Wheeler's vacuum-energy estimate and the Lamb shift. Bearden also writes that Moray built a forerunner of the transistor, and that prominent scientists took his equipment apart and ran it themselves without finding fraud. He repeats stories that Imperial Japan and the Soviet Union courted Moray, that an assistant he personally suspected of being a Soviet agent smashed the device with a hammer, and that Moray was shot at and assaulted. All of this is Bearden's interpretation, written decades after Moray's work, and the foreword names none of the scientists. The book does not show that Moray himself proposed a zero-point mechanism.
The book's own contents and figure list show a much larger work: chapters on patents and governmental support, theory chapters on electron excitation and on capture of energy by resonance, six appendices and about 61 numbered figures. The figures listed include affidavits or sworn statements from S.E. Bringhurst, C. Todd, A.B. Jensen, David Gardner and J.J. Jurgensen, letters attributed to Robert Millikan, Harvey Fletcher and Henry Eyring, a letter from the AEC, a photograph of an RE device said to have been used in an airplane test, and a pocket radio built around the Moray Valve. This page does not examine those affidavits and letters.
The origin story
In Moray's own brief history, the work begins in 1909 with attempts to draw electricity from the ground. By the fall of 1910 he says he could run a miniature arc light for two friends. Around Christmas 1911 he decided the energy was oscillating and arrived from outside the earth, more strongly by day than by night. From then until spring 1925, by his account, he could get an old 16-candlepower carbon lamp to only about half brightness.
The two versions of this story do not agree on the friends' names. The memoir calls them Lorine and Parnel Hinckley, and the booklet of about 1932 reprinted in chapter 2 calls them Lawrence and Parnell Hinckley.
The book also traces the detector material to Sweden. John Moray says his father went there as a Latter-day Saints missionary in 1912 and attended the University of Upsalla under the name James Cain Larson. A notebook entry dated November 1, 1913 records material gathered the previous summer from a railroad car at Abisco and from a hillside; tests suggested that a soft, white, stone-like substance could work as a detector behaving somewhat like a valve. A footnote says this stone led to the first Moray valve. John Moray also writes that his father finished a doctoral thesis before leaving Sweden on July 31, 1914, but concedes that no certificate was issued and the thesis is not available. The chapter further covers a December 21, 1920 substation accident that damaged Moray's eyesight, his years as a prize poultry breeder, and alleged threats and gunfire against the family.
What the demonstrations were meant to show
Chapter 2 reprints a booklet of about 1932, Brief History of Moray Radiant Device, together with statements by witnesses. Read as a set, the sessions between 1925 and 1928 were built to answer a short list of objections.
- Hidden power. The early sessions were held at Moray's home with attorney R. L. Judd and others. According to Moray, the house mains were switched off, and he moved the apparatus around or let visitors look for hidden equipment, to rule out a concealed wire or battery. The loads were a 100-watt lamp and electric flat irons.
- Dependence on antenna and ground. In almost every account, removing either connection stops the output and reconnecting it brings the output back. In one test a new ground rod was placed where Judd chose. Moray adds that if a connection is left off for too long the device goes dead and has to be tuned again.
- Induction from nearby power lines. Moray writes that Dr. Carl Eyring from the Brigham Young University suggested the effect might be induction, and proposed a test in the mountains three or four miles away from all power lines. On December 21, 1925, Judd and two companions chose Emigration Canyon, which Moray's account says had no power lines; they drove about four miles up it before picking a spot, and the lamp lit there after tuning. The account gives no measured distance from the nearest line. On October 29, 1926, a party travelled to near Strawberry Lake, 26 miles from the nearest power line according to E. G. Jensen's speedometer readings. Jensen's letter reports that tuning took slightly more than 10 minutes and that a 100-watt lamp then burned for 15 minutes, about 75% as bright as one on house current in his judgement. He concluded that "no hoax was being perpetrated".
- Character of the current. At an October 28, 1925 session, two General Electric men are said to have felt the current after it had been reduced and judged it high-frequency rather than direct current. A surge then jumped an air gap that those present put at 10,000 volts or more.
- Scale and scientific scrutiny. Judd's letter of September 27, 1928 to the prospective backer H. F. Haffeneffer, Jr. reports that Harvey Fletcher watched Moray tune in enough power within six minutes to light three 100-watt lamps, which Fletcher judged to be burning far above normal. A 575-watt flat iron then reached sizzling in about five minutes. When the lamps later went out, the letter blames a detector part that had slipped out of place.
Several of these records are not contemporaneous. Judd countersigned Moray's write-up of the canyon test on September 7, 1929, nearly four years afterwards, as correct "so far as I remember". Moray also says that he ran the device continuously for three days and nights after one of Judd's visits, with no witness named for that run, and that it burned out on December 23, 1925.
What the record does and does not show
The same pattern recurs across the accounts. The device is described as dead before tuning, live after tuning, and dependent on both antenna and ground. On two occasions it is reported working at sites chosen by the witnesses and away from power lines. These are consistent features of the testimony, not independent verification of the effect.
The book does not record any metered measurement. Witnesses judged lamp brightness by eye, estimated voltage from a spark gap, and inferred power from appliance ratings. The book's own argument is that a resistive load consumes what it is given, so the rated wattage stands in for output. The accounts give three different ratings for the flat irons used, 655, 665 and 575 watts, and the book does not say whether these were one appliance or several.
Moray himself says that in several sessions he kept the hookup behind a curtain or under a cover, or withheld a part. After an October 22, 1925 session for a General Electric contact named Ship and a Mr. Dee, he says he pocketed certain pieces before letting the visitors examine the rest. With the Haffeneffer party in spring 1927 he says he cut off one small part, hid it and kept it in his vest pocket, letting them examine everything else. Moray also says that Judd saw every part of the larger machine built in May 1926, but Judd is described in the same passage as no electrical man. Taken together, the accounts do not show an independent technical inspection of the whole device while it was working.
Eyring's views come through Moray's narrative countersigned by Judd, not in Eyring's own words. Of the two remote tests, only the Strawberry one has a stated distance from power lines, 26 miles by Jensen's speedometer; the canyon account says only that there were no power lines in the canyon. Neither reaches the more than 50 miles set by the later duplication criteria in Moray's Radiant Energy Receiver: Reported Figures, the Germanium Valve and the Twenty-Point Duplication Test. No input-output energy balance is given and no independent replication is reported. The testimony shows what witnesses saw and believed. It does not show where the energy came from (see Radiant Energy Receiver Claim and Patent as Evidence).
Connections
The 250,000-volt and 50,000-watt figures in chapter 2 match those in the source archive accounts behind Moray's Radiant Energy Receiver: The Swedish Stone, the Germanium Valve and the Twenty-Point Duplication Test. What this book adds is the dated chain of demonstrations and the names of the witnesses. Moray's granted patent US 2,460,707 is a separate matter, covered in US 2,460,707: Moray's Electrotherapeutic Apparatus Patent, Its Radioactive Discharge Tubes and What It Does Not Disclose About the Receiver.
Source notes & attribution
- https://aether-research.institute/pdf/THE_SEA_OF_ENERGY_IN_WHICH_THE_EARTH_FLOATS.pdf